Why narendra modi should not be pm

Those whose memories serve them right in this age of Google and technology know that Modi has faced such situations dozens of times. But on every such occasion, Modi proved his detractors wrong. The same happened in the case of Modi too.

He was the organisational secretary of the BJP in those days and had written the script of the victory. At that time, he was just Among them, Keshubhai Patel was made chief minister and this was not taken kindly by Vaghela, who thought he was a more deserving candidate and should have been chief minister.

But Modi got Keshubhai made chief minister and ensured that the supporters of Vaghela did not get seats even in boards and corporations. Vaghela rebelled and Modi played a huge role in quelling the rebellion, but he paid the price himself. But Modi did not take much time in proving his detractors wrong. In , when he came to Delhi, he did not raise much hue and cry and whatever role his party gave him, he accepted. In the next six years, he worked in Haryana and Himachal Pradesh and showed his mettle.

The party was happy with his performance and he was made organisational general secretary in the central unit of the party. And from here he went to Gujarat in October as chief minister of the state and gave a fitting reply to his critics.

Modi became chief minister of Gujarat on 7 October , but his path was full of thorns. His cabinet members were not ready to cooperate with him.

The first name was that of Suresh Mehta, who was chief minister of the state after Keshubhai in And then when he entered, he remained unhappy. There was an anti-BJP wind blowing in Gujarat as Keshubhai had utterly failed in providing relief to the people after a terrible earthquake.

People were angry. A glimpse of this came in the local body elections, and a Lok Sabha by-election in Sabarkantha and an Assembly by-election in Sabarmati where the BJP lost badly. A worried high command had replaced Keshubhai and handed over the reign to Modi. Modi had to enter the Assembly.

He had not fought any elections so far. He sent a message to his one-time disciple Haren Pandya to vacate the Ellis Bridge seat in Ahmedabad for him. He flatly refused. Pandya, by this time, was very close to Keshubhai and was dreaming of becoming chief minister himself. Modi kept quiet while he faced the challenges of his first election. Vala had vacated the seat for him but by now Rajkot had become the centre of anti-Modi activity. Keshubhai was from Rajkot and was against Modi.

The Patel card was also being played. The enmity between the two could be gauged from the fact that Modi had played a crucial role in getting Keshubhai the chair of chief ministership.

But in , the same Keshubhai, when he took the oath for the second time, did not invite Modi at the behest of Sanjay Joshi, who was the organisational secretary of the state at the time. Modi knew all this but kept mum and managed to leave the chair of chief minister only after more than 12 years when he became PM of the country. In the first election of his life, Modi won quietly and did not name his detractors or say a word about them.

Before he could celebrate his win, Godhra happened and the next day many parts of Gujarat were burning in the communal fire. Modi became synonymous with the Gujarat riots and he was branded as a fascist leader who got people killed knowingly.

But everybody knows that he had called the Army at the very first instance of the riot and had said in the Assembly that it was not good to shed blood of anyone. He kept mum when blamed for the riots and waited for the court verdicts.

During the Gujarat riots and even later, Modi was under intense pressure to resign. On farmers' protest, he said the concerns are unfounded and the three laws are aimed at helping the farmers. This is only a way to capitalise the resentment of the poor to capture power. Otherwise, what explains the situation of the Left-ruled states? Whatever meeting it is, he speaks the least and listens patiently to every one and then takes a decision valuing all suggestions, based on their merit, Amit Shah said.

Share Via. By hindustantimes. Any BJP candidate for the top post has to be a party man — and enjoy the unqualified backing of its political jeevan saathi , the RSS. Modi instead has made a career of alienating the leadership of both. He is the rare pracharak who rode the RSS coattails to power, but ruthlessly marginalised his own sponsors once in power.

Modi has broken the Sangh; broken the party. He has raised his own personal stake so high, he has decimated the party structures.

Much is made of Modi's megalomania, but a giant-sized ego is almost a requirement for a successful political career. Despite the pomp and glory of the recent BJP meet, Modi's elevation was, at best, a grudging acknowledgement of his power by a party leadership beset by the TINA problem.

Na usko haath se utaar sakte ho, na usko joota maar sakte ho. It can neither be removed by hand nor killed with a shoe. It's hard to thrive in a parliamentary system when your own people don't like you very much.

The real problem lies in a "scorched earth" policy of retribution that creates unnecessary enmity — most recently epitomised in the unseemly ouster of Sanjay Joshi.

He had to be evicted from the party meet in Mumbai, prevented from taking the train to Delhi, and then summarily ousted from the party. It was NOT enough to win, his enemy had to be stripped and paraded in public. But in insisting on his pound of flesh, Modi alienated everyone, including his party bosses who were now seen as cravenly submitting to his irrational demands. Whatever private satisfaction he gained from Joshi's humiliation was undone by its political costs — creating a giant public rift at a moment when an image of party unity was urgently required.

Joshi is not an exception, but part of an entrenched pattern in Modi's career — he most famously made sure that the crowds were kept away from a Vajpayee rally in his state to underline his power and score a political point. All politicians like to settle scores, but rarely at the cost of their — or their party's — political fortunes. ET View. Just in Jest. Speaking Tree. ET Citings. T K Arun. Rate Story. Font Size Abc Small.

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